Подборка официальных документов по уничтожению евреев Слуцка
№ 44 Из донесения генерального комиссара Белоруссии Кубе рейхскомиссару Остлаида Лозе о борьбе с партизанами и репрессиях против евреев в генеральном округе Белоруссии Гор. Минск 31 июля 1942 г.
… На подробных совещаниях с бригаденфюрером СС Ценнером и исключительно энергичным руководителем СД оберштурмбаннфюрером СС д-ром права Штраухом сообщалось, что за последние 10 недель в Белоруссии ликвидировано около 55 тыс. евреев. В Минской области евреи полностью истреблены, причем от этого не пострадала вербовка рабочей силы. В преимущественно польской области Лида ликвидировано 16 тыс. евреев, в Слониме — 8 тыс. и т. д. Происходившие в тыловом войсковом районе злоупотребления, о чем уже докладывалось, помешали проводимой нами подготовке к ликвидации евреев в области Глубокого. Тыловой войсковой район, не входя с нами в контакт, ликвидировал 10 тыс. евреев, систематическое истребление которых и без того планировалось. В городе Минске 28 и 29 июля были ликвидированы 10 тыс. евреев, из них 6,5 тыс. русских евреев, преимущественно стариков, женщин и детей, остальные состояли из неработоспособных евреев, которые были по приказу фюрера вывезены в Минск в ноябре прошлого года, главным образом из Вены, Брно, Бремена и Берлина.
Область Слуцка также облегчена на много тысяч евреев. То же самое произошло в Новогрудеке и Вилейке. Радикальные мероприятия предстоят в Барановичах и Ханцевичах. Только в городе Барановичи проживает около 10 тыс. евреев, из которых в следующем месяце будут ликвидированы 9 тыс. евреев.
В городе Минске остались в живых 2,6 тыс. евреев из Германии. Кроме того, еще остались в живых 6 тыс. русских евреев и евреек, которые во время акции находились при воинских частях, в которых они заняты как рабочая сила. В Минске и в будущем останется значительный контингент еврейской рабочей силы, поскольку производство на военных предприятиях и железнодорожном транспорте временно этого требует. Во всех остальных областях число евреев, используемых в качестве рабочей силы, устанавливается СД и мною в количестве, самое большее, 800 человек, а по возможности — не более 500. Таким образом, после завершения объявленной нами акции у нас останется: в Минске 8,6 тыс. и в остальных 10 областях, включая избавленную от евреев Минскую область (сельскую), около 7 тыс. евреев. Поэтому больше нет опасности, что в будущем партизаны будут существенным образом опираться на еврейство. Разумеется, и мне и СД было бы всего приятнее, после того как отпадут экономические нужды вермахта, окончательно искоренить еврейство в главном районе Белоруссии. Временно приходится учитывать нужды вермахта, который является главным работодателем для евреев.
Это недвусмысленное отношение к евреям обусловливает также тяжелую задачу для СД в Белоруссии — доставлять все новые и новые транспорты с евреями из рейха, которые следуют навстречу своей судьбе. Это сильно изматывает физические и духовные силы воинов СД и отрывает их от выполнения задач, которые они выполняют на территории самой Белоруссии.
Поэтому я был бы весьма благодарен, если бы г-н рейхскомиссар счел возможным приостановить поступление новых еврейских транспортов в Минск по крайней мере до того времени, когда окончательно будет снята угроза партизанских выступлений. Мне нужны 100 процентов войск СД для борьбы с партизанами и с польским движением Сопротивления, что требует применения всех сил соединений СД, не очень больших численно.
После окончания акции над евреями в Минске, сегодня ночью мне, доложил со справедливым возмущением оберштурмбаннфюрер СС д-р Штраух, что вдруг без предписания рейхсфюрера СС и без извещения генерального комиссара прибыл транспорт с 1 тыс. евреев из Варшавы для работы в здешнем воздушном округе.
Я прошу г-на рейхскомиссара (уже подготовленного телеграммой), как носителя высшей власти в Остланде, положить конец подобным транспортам. Польский еврей, совершенно так же, как и русский еврей, является врагом Германии. Он представляет собой опасный политический элемент, политическая опасность которого далеко превышает ценность его как квалифицированного рабочего. Ни при каких обстоятельствах в области, имеющей гражданское управление, военные власти сухопутных войск или ВВС не имеют права без разрешения г-на рейхсмаршала ввозить сюда из генерал-губернаторства или еще откуда-нибудь евреев, которые вредят всей политической работе и безопасности главного района. Поэтому я полностью согласен с командующим войсками СД в Белоруссии, что мы будем ликвидировать каждый транспорт с евреями, о котором нет приказания наших непосредственных начальников и о котором мы не оповещены, чтобы помешать возникновению новых беспорядков в Белоруссии.
Генеральный комиссар по Белоруссии Кубе
ЦГАОР СССР, ф. 7445, оп. 2, д. 156. л. 55—57. Перевод с немецкого
ЦГАОР СССР, ф. 7445, оп. 2, д. 156. л. 55—57. Перевод с немецкого
A description of the physical annihilation of Slutzk Jewry by the Hitler battalions in 1941 is given in the following report of the Nazi district commissioner to his superior in Minsk. This secret document was presented at the Nuremberg Inter- national Military Trial and is included in the United States Government report of those proceedings published under the name of Nazi Conspiracy and Aggression Volume 111, page 785 (United States Government Printing Office, Washington, D. C. 1946). Parts of this document also appear in the book GESTAPO by Edward Crankshaw (Viking Press, 1956 and Pyramid Books, 1959). http://www.jewishgen.org/yizkor/slutsk/slu-xi.html
Copy/T of the copy
The commissioner of the Territory of Slutsk
Slutsk, 30 October 1941
To the Commissioner General Minsk
SUBJECT: Action against Jews
Referring to the report made by phone on 27 October 1941 I now beg to inform you in writing of the following
On 27 October in the morning at about 8 o’clock a first lieutenant of the police battalion No. 11 from Kauen (Lithuania) appeared and introduced himself as the adjutant of the battalion commander of the security police. The first lieutenant explained that the police battalion had received the assignment to effect the liquidation of all Jews here in the town of Slutzk, within two days. The battalion commander with his battalion in strength of four companies, two of which were made up of Lithuanian partisans, was on the march here and the action would have to begin instantly. I replied to the first lieutenant that I had to discuss the action in any case first with the commander. About half an hour later the police battalion arrived in Slutzk. Immediately after the arrival the conference with the battalion commander took place according to my request. I first explained to the commander that it would not very well be possible to effect the action without previous preparation, because everybody had been sent to work and that it would lead to terrible confusion. At least it would have been his duty to inform me a day ahead of time. Then I requested him to postpone the action one day. However, he rejected this with the remark that he had to carry out this action everywhere and in all towns and that only two days were allotted for Slutzk. Within these two days, the town of Slutzk had to be cleared of Jews by all means. I immediately protested violently against it, pointing out that a liquidation of Jews must not be allowed to take place in an arbitrary manner. I explained that a large part of the Jews still living in the towns were tradesmen and families of tradesmen respectively. But these Jewish tradesmen were not simply expendable because they were indispensable for maintaining the economic life. Furthermore, I pointed out that White Ruthenian tradesmen are so to say non-existent, that therefore all vital plants had to be shut down all at once, if all Jews would be liquidated. At the end of our conference, I mentioned that all tradesmen and specialists, inasmuch as they were indispensable, had papers of identification and that these should not be pulled out of the factories. Furthermore, it was agreed that all Jews still living in the town should first be brought into the ghetto in order to segregate them, especially with regard to the families of tradesmen which I did not want to have liquidated either. Two of my officials should be assigned to segregate them. The commander did not in any way contradict my idea and I had therefore the firm belief that the action would be carried out accordingly. However, a few hours after the beginning of the action the greatest difficulties already developed. I noticed that the commander had not at all abided by our agreement. All Jews without exception were taken out of the factories and shops and deported in spite of our agreement. It is true that part of the Jews was moved by way of the ghetto where many of them were processed and still segregated by me, but a large part was loaded directly on trucks and liquidated without further delay outside of the town. Shortly after noon complaints came already from all sides that the factories could not function any more because all Jewish tradesmen had been removed. As the commander had proceeded on his way to Baranowitschi I got in touch with the deputy commander, a captain, after searching a long time, and demanded to stop the action immediately because my instructions had been disregarded and the damage done so far with respect to the economic life could not be repaired anymore. The captain was greatly surprised at my idea and stated that he had received orders from the commander to clear the whole town of Jews without exception in the same manner as they had done in other towns. This mopping up had to be executed on political considerations and economic reasons had never played a role anywhere. However, due to my energetic intervention, he finally halted the action toward evening.
For the rest, as regards the execution of the action, I must point out to my deepest regret that the latter bordered already on sadism. The town itself offered a picture of horror during the action. With indescribable brutality on the part of both the German police officers and particularly the Lithuanian partisans, the Jewish people, but also among them White Ruthenians, were taken out of their dwellings and herded together. Everywhere in the town shots were to be heard and in different streets the corpses of shot Jews accumulated. The White Ruthenians were in greatest distress to free themselves from the encirclement. Regardless of the fact that the Jewish people, among whom were also tradesmen, were mistreated in a terribly barbarous way in the face of the White Ruthenian people, the White Ruthenians themselves were also worked over with rubber clubs and rifle butts. There was no question of an action against the Jews any more. It rather looked like a revolution. I myself with all my officials have been in it without interruption all day long in order to save what could yet be saved. In several instances I literally had to expel with drawn pistol the German police officials as well as the Lithuanian partisans from the shops. My own police was employed for the same mission but had often to leave the streets on account of the wild shooting in order to avoid being shot themselves. The whole picture was generally more than ghastly. In the afternoon a great number of abandoned Panje carriages with horses were standing in the streets so that I had to instruct the municipal administration to take care of the vehicles immediately. Afterwards it was ascertained that they were Jewish vehicles ordered by the armed forces to move ammunition. The drivers had simply been taken off the carriages and led away, and nobody had worried in the least about the vehicles.
I was not present at the shooting before the town. Therefore I cannot make a statement on its brutality. But it should suffice, if I point out that persons shot have worked themselves out of their graves some time after they had been covered. Regarding the economic damage I want to state that the tanner has been affected worst of all. 26 experts worked there. Of them, fifteen of the best specialists alone have been shot. Four more jumped from the truck during the transport and escaped, while seven others were not apprehended after they fled. The plant barely continues to operate today. Five wheelwrights worked in the wheelwright shop. Four of them have been shot and the shop has to keep going now with one wheelwright. Additional tradesmen such as carpenters, blacksmiths, etc. are still missing. Up till now it was impossible for me to obtain an exact survey. I have mentioned already in the beginning, that the families of tradesmen should be spared too. But now it seems that almost in all families some persons are missing. Reports come in from all over, making it clear that in one family the tradesman himself, in another family the wife and in the next one again the children are missing. In that way, almost all families have been broken up. It seems to be very doubtful whether under these circumstances the remaining tradesmen will show any interest in their work and produce accordingly, particularly as even today they are running around with bloody and bruised faces due to the brutality. The White Ruthenian people who had full confidence in us, are dumbfounded. Though they are intimidated and don’t dare to utter their free opinion, one has already heard that they take the viewpoint that this day does not add to the glory of Germany and that it will not be forgotten. I am of the opinion that much has been destroyed through this action which we have achieved during the last months and that it will take a long time until we shall regain the confidence of the population which we have lost.
In conclusion I find myself obliged to point out that the police battalion has looted in an unheard of manner during the action, and that not only in Jewish houses but just the same in those of the White Ruthenians. Anything of use such as boots, leather, cloth, gold and other valuables, has been taken away. On the basis of statements of members of the armed forces, watches were torn off the arms of Jews in public, on the street, and rings were pulled off the fingers in the most brutal manner. A major of the finance department reported that a Jewish girl was asked by the police to obtain immediately 5,000 rubles to have her father released. This girl is said to have actually gone everywhere in order to obtain the money.
Also within the ghetto, the different barracks which had been nailed up by the civil administration and were furnished with Jewish furniture, have been broken open and robbed. Even from the barracks in which the unit was quartered, window frames and doors have been forcibly removed and used for campfires. Although I had a discussion with the adjutant of the commander on Tuesday morning concerning the looting and he promised in the course of the discussion that none of the policemen would enter the town anymore. yet I was forced several hours later to arrest two fully armed Lithuanian partisans because they were apprehended looting. During the night from Tuesday to Wednesday the battalion left the town in the direction of Baranowitschi. Evidently, the people were only too glad when this report circulated in the town.
So far the report. I shall come to Minsk in the immediate future in order to discuss the affair personally once again. At the present time, I am not in a position to continue with the action against the Jews. First, order has to be established again. I hope that I shall be able to restore order as soon as possible and also to revive the economic life despite the difficulties. Only, I beg you to grant me one request: «In the future, keep this police battalion away from me by all means.»
Upon receiving this descriptive report of the truculent and atrocious action committed in Slutzk, the Commissioner General, himself a trained and hardened Nazi, was so moved that he immediately dispatched this report to his superior in occupied Riga, Latvia with his own following comments.
Minsk, November 1, 1941
To the Reich Commissioner for Eastern territories, Gauleiter Hinrich Lohse, Riga.
Enclosed, I submit a report of the commissioner for the territory of Slutzk, Party member Carl, with the request not to let this matter rest.
For about the last three weeks I have discussed the Slutzk action against the Jews with the responsible SS Brigadier General Zenner, member of the Reichstag. I request to grant my motion to prosecute the entire staff of officers of the police battalion 11.
I am submitting this report in duplicate so that one copy may be submitted to the Reich Minister. Peace and order cannot be maintained in White Ruthenia with methods of that sort. To have buried alive seriously wounded people, who then worked their way out of their graves again, is such extreme beastliness that this incident as such must be reported to the Fuehrer and the Reich Marshal.
signed: Wilhelm Kube
The office in Riga followed up the matter and transmitted these reports directly to the Minister in Berlin with the following note:
Riga, November 11, 1941
To the Reich Minister for occupied Eastern Territories, Berlin:
Original with two enclosures with the request for consideration. It is deemed necessary that higher authority take immediate steps.
By order of the Reich Commissioner
for the Eastern Territories
The noted British historian and commentator of the London Observer, Edward Crankshaw, after quoting some excerpts from the above in his book «Gestapo» remarks: «This was the impression made on a German official, who had already in the nature of his job seen many dreadful things, who has prepared to see the Jews of Slutzk completely liquidated provided be had a day’s warning to organize the affairs in an orderly manner, but who, nevertheless, was so shocked and affronted by the reality that, after brooding about it for three days, he still could not overcome his indignation and, taking courage in both hands, laid bare his heart to his Fuehrer, via Goering. He was an innocent, of course. The Fuehrer had ordered that these people should be killed, and did not care how.»